[…] – almost all low level and localised – ran at a high level, climaxing with Arthur Scargill and the 1984-1985 NUM strike, the defeat of which allowed Thatcher to pursue deliberate de-industrialisation. Following this the figures for days lost through industrial stoppages declined to almost nothing. Adopting Donovan would have avoided much of this […]
[…] describes her political career to 1979 in great detail and provides enough personal information to understand how she acquired that rigid, humourless, repressed, character. But where Mrs Thatcher is concerned, an orthodox biography doesn’t make it. None of the paramilitary and psy-ops events of the 1974-79 period which led to her 1979 election victory […]
[…] Eighties, both the Labour and Liberal parties opposed the major arms spending increases – nuclear and non-nuclear – central to Reagan and the Conservative government of Margaret Thatcher. In the BAP version of its foundation it would appear that the institution of regular meetings of ’24 Americans and 24 Britons aged between 28 and […]
[…] Iraq’s activities’.(1) All the same, a careful reading of the Scott Report does support Miller’s general if not specific conclusions. Sir Richard does show, for example, that Thatcher, along with the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, the Department of Trade and Industry, and the Ministry of Defence, knew all about the bank-rolling of defence exports […]
[…] and the rule of law and for consent to redistribution and the maintenance of the welfare state. The legacy The lasting legacy of both neo-Marxism and Thatcher is, instead, the destruction of much of traditional civil society. This creates social disorder that requires yet more draconian measures in a spiral of radically destructive […]
[…] Brigadier Michael Calvert, and he produced detailed studies of this in the eighties and lobbied MP’s vigorously to bring pressure on the government to consider it. Mrs Thatcher was seriously looking at the questions when the botched French attempt against a Greenpeace ship in New Zealand caused a general loss of nerve. Young’s hope, […]
[…] Party defending Reg. Prentice in his dispute with the Newham Northeast Constituency; Edward Leigh M.P. (3), now M.P. for Gainsborough, who was principal correspondence secretary for Mrs Thatcher when she was leader of the opposition; and Francis Holihan, an American roller-skate businessman (4). The CPS has close relations with the Institute for the Study […]
[…] of a letter The Guardian declined to print It was sent from Fred Holroyd on May 13th 1987 Dear sir, It comes as no surprise that Mrs Thatcher over reacted to the media attempting to discover the real facts of the Gibraltar shootings. Her attitude is vulnerable to close scrutiny, especially in the two […]
[…] 1974-76 – and nothing happened. There was no serious investigation by British journalists, the Labour Party or the Labour Government. In Wilson, MI5 and the rise of Thatcher: Covert Operations in British Politics 1974-76 using as their starting point information from former members of the security services and the British Army, and, in particular, […]
[…] resources on the case. The information about the call from Kinnock’s office was duly passed – presumably from the NSA via GCHQ – to the Tories. Mrs Thatcher then stood up in the Commons and denounced Kinnock for talking to a traitor. It was one of those moments when a little more wit or […]
